At 36, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, adorned with freshly minted captain’s insignia, presides over a presidential palace he secured not through democratic elections — which he conveniently abolished — but by force. This arrangement offers a distinct advantage: without voters to appease, one can direct untruths straight to the press.

Such was the scene at the Koulouba palace, where Traoré held court before six journalists, delivering his version of reality for two hours. The young captain spun a narrative of success: the military was reclaiming territory, industry was flourishing, gold reserves were mounting, infrastructure was expanding, and the people of Burkina Faso had never experienced such liberty. One might almost expect a triumphant soundtrack and a flag waving proudly in the background.

A disturbing counter-narrative emerges

Yet, as Traoré indulged in his self-congratulatory monologue, Human Rights Watch (HRW) unveiled a starkly contrasting report. Titled “No One Will Escape,” the 351-page document presented a chilling dossier of testimonies, satellite imagery, and casualty lists. Its findings were grim: 1,837 civilians had been killed over two and a half years, not only by jihadists from JNIM but also by the Burkinabè army and its auxiliary VDP militias. The report underscored a disturbing pattern: state-salaried actors were systematically executing civilians, often with drone surveillance and explicit orders from above.

The evidence pointed to grave atrocities: war crimes, crimes against humanity, and the ethnic targeting of the Fulani community. Specific incidents detailed included the summary execution of 223 civilians, among them 56 children, in Nondin in February 2024; hundreds dead in Baraboulé in December 2023; and 130 Fulani massacred near Solenzo in March 2025. Mass graves, harrowing survivor accounts, and irrefutable satellite evidence painted a picture of widespread brutality. Predictably, Traoré’s response to these damning revelations was to dismiss them as a “Western conspiracy.”

‘Recaptured’ towns built on tragedy

Perhaps most disconcerting was Traoré’s proud mention of towns like Baraboulé and Pétégoli, declared “recaptured” by his forces. However, these same locations were central to HRW’s documentation of Operation Tchéfari 2 — euphemistically named “The Warriors’ Honey” in Fulfulde, a poetic title for a brutal campaign. During this operation, the army was responsible for the deaths of hundreds of civilians across 16 villages. While state television hailed it as a “success,” survivors recount it as a massacre. A stark divergence in perspective.

Traoré offered an astonishing explanation for the killings, suggesting they were committed by terrorists disguised in military uniforms who then filmed their own atrocities. He posited that these terrorists, whom he derisively characterized as merely “reading the Quran in the bush,” possessed the sophisticated capability to don Burkinabè uniforms, deploy military drones, coordinate multiple battalions, and then vanish. This level of operational complexity, he implied, was within the reach of such groups.

The unspoken truth about the Fulani

Throughout his two-hour interview, the word “Fulani” was conspicuously absent. Not once was it uttered. This deliberate omission is akin to discussing World War II without acknowledging the Jewish people — technically possible, yet morally indefensible. HRW’s report meticulously documented the systematic persecution of the Fulani community, who constitute 8% of Burkina Faso’s population. Collectively accused of terrorism, they have been subjected to village-by-village massacres and forced displacement by the hundreds of thousands.

The report even cited Traoré himself, addressing Fulani leaders in February 2023: “There will be many dead. And it will be more complicated for your community.” His presidential guard chief was reportedly even more explicit, stating, “We will kill them all.” Despite overwhelming evidence, the official stance maintains that there is no “Fulani problem” in Burkina Faso, merely a “problem of Fulani.”

A peculiar definition of freedom

Traoré asserted that the people of Burkina Faso were “much freer” than those in Europe. The reality, however, paints a different picture: they are free to disappear. Journalists have been abducted and forcibly conscripted into militias. Independent media outlets have been shuttered, and human rights websites blocked. The electoral commission has been abolished, and the death penalty reinstated. To further control the narrative, pro-junta troll networks, known as the “BIR-C” (Rapid Communication Intervention Battalions), inundate social media with propaganda and deepfakes glorifying the captain. By comparison, Kim Jong-un’s propaganda machine appears almost rudimentary.

Justice: a selective application

Human Rights Watch has urged an investigation into Traoré for command responsibility, naming six generals. Yet, none have faced trial. The junta’s decision to withdraw from the International Criminal Court (ICC) speaks volumes; when one has nothing to hide, fleeing international tribunals is hardly the first course of action. Meanwhile, Traoré publicly humiliates corrupt traffic police officers caught pocketing 500 CFA francs, elevating such minor infractions to national scandals. The massacre of hundreds of civilians by the army, conversely, is dismissed as “terrorist perfidy.” The priorities are starkly evident.

Blaming the West: a convenient shield

Any criticism is swiftly deflected. A European Parliament resolution is deemed “interference.” The French army chief is told to “mind his own business.” NGOs are branded “manipulators,” the media “liars,” the internet “fake,” territorial maps “fake,” and the 351-page HRW report, based on 450 interviews, also “fake.” Everything is deemed false except Traoré’s own pronouncements. While the postcolonial grievance is legitimate – France’s exploitation of Africa is an undeniable historical fact – leveraging this truth as an impenetrable shield to justify the massacre of one’s own populace is a dangerous regression, reminiscent of Mugabe’s worst excesses on fast-forward. Anti-imperialism, it must be stressed, does not confer a license to kill.

In a final, chilling piece of advice, Traoré encouraged Burkinabè citizens to “have children” because “the land is rich.” Indeed, the land is rich — rich enough, it seems, to bury many of its people.