The political arena in Senegal frequently witnesses intense power struggles, whether among figures within the same party or between leaders of distinct political factions. This dynamic is currently playing out at the highest levels of the Senegalese executive.

The once-unified Sonko-Diomaye partnership, comprising Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye and his Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko, who previously spoke with one voice, is now grappling with significant internal disagreements. These divergences culminated on May 22, with the President announcing the Prime Minister’s dismissal and the dissolution of the government.

While a major rally on November 8, 2025, offered early indications of fraternal divisions, a subsequent discussion on May 2, 2026, removed all doubt. The President himself acknowledged fundamental disagreements with his Prime Minister, specifically criticizing the “excessive personalization” of power around Sonko.

The illusion of an indivisible symbolic capital at Senegal’s helm

The unique Sonko-Diomaye alliance was forged when Sonko designated Diomaye as his successor after his own candidacy was invalidated. Initially, their collaboration was built on political complementarity: one was to manage the state apparatus, while the other provided strong political legitimacy during the initial months of their administration.

However, the grand political gathering of PASTEF (Les Patriotes africains du Sénégal pour le travail, l’éthique et la fraternité) on November 8, 2025, exposed the limitations of this dual-headed illusion, largely driven by Sonko. Sonko himself declared “the aftermath of November 8” a crucial turning point for his institutional partnership with the President. The relationship between the two leaders is now at an impasse, marked by disagreements over the choice of the ruling coalition’s coordinator, differing visions of power, and the selection of allies.

Consequently, the once-unifying slogan “Sonko mooy Diomaye” (Sonko is Diomaye, in Wolof), a survival strategy for PASTEF against the regime of former President Macky Sall, has begun to fade. It is being replaced by slogans such as “Sonko est Sonko” or “Ousmane est Sonko.” Observations from various analysts confirm this trend, indicating that the proclaimed unity has dissolved, giving way to a visible, almost overt duality where roles are being redefined and ambitions clearly asserted.

The popular perception that “Diomaye n’est plus Sonko. Sonko n’est plus Diomaye” highlights a significant shift. From a theoretical perspective of domination and symbolic reproduction, which allowed Sonko to build a “proxy capital,” their symbolic fusion had previously created a “unique partisan habitus.” This meant that the homopastefien and supporters of “The Project” saw not two distinct representatives, but a single, indivisible political force.

This duality at the top represents the natural evolution of their “complementarity” upon entering the executive political sphere. The presidential nature of Senegal’s political system mandates a clear distinction where the President’s authority is not shared. The prerogatives of the President and the Prime Minister are meticulously defined by the Constitution in articles 42 to 52, effectively transforming their initial fusion into a “soft rivalry.”

President Diomaye frequently adopts a reserved posture, positioning himself as the guarantor of institutions, while Prime Minister Sonko maintains his characteristic style of popular mobilization and disruption. This aligns with what sociologist Pierre Bourdieu described as the “position occupying the man,” where institutional roles dictate an individual’s actions, language, and demeanor. The presidential function imposes a “sovereign” habitus that inherently distinguishes itself from the “party leader” habitus of the Prime Minister. In adherence to an ethical separation between the roles of head of state and party leader, Diomaye consequently resigned from his position as Secretary General and all other leadership bodies within the PASTEF party.

Moreover, a real yet often invisible boundary between the President and his Prime Minister lies in the transition from informal “street communication” like “Diomaye is Sonko” to formal institutional communication, where the President’s image takes precedence according to protocol. While Sonko was instrumental in bringing Diomaye to power, the latter now wields discretionary authority, including the power of appointment, thereby creating a political bipolarization between pro-Diomaye and pro-Sonko factions.

The inherent limits of a dual leadership

In the realm of physics, fluid mechanics illustrates that when two bodies of different masses share an enclosure, the one with superior mass compresses the other. Applied to Diomaye and Sonko, this signifies that power, unlike human nature, is not static.

Through an upward flow of influence, his charisma, and control of the party, Ousmane Sonko injects popular legitimacy into Bassirou Diomaye Faye’s presidency. Conversely, through a downward flow of influence, Bassirou Diomaye, via his state decrees and decisions, materializes the aspirations of “The Project” by embedding them into Senegalese positive law. Thus, if Sonko’s influence becomes too pervasive, it encroaches upon Diomaye’s institutional territory.

In such a scenario, the President might appear to be under tutelage. Conversely, if Diomaye isolates himself too much, he risks losing the vital source of legitimacy that Sonko provides. They exist in a system of mutual dependence, yet also one with potential for self-destruction. Power continuously shifts between the presidential office and the Primature, a dynamic that sustains their “soft rivalry.”

By mimicking each other’s desires, they risk becoming antagonistic doubles. The more they resemble each other, the deeper their divergence becomes, as each sees their own ambition mirrored in the other. Both leaders aspire to the same objectives: power, the presidency, and overall leadership. Sonko aims to hold executive power, while Diomaye seeks to solidify his presidential seat.

The current power struggle at the summit reminds us that in politics, a “gentlemen’s agreement” remains merely a myth for idealists. It is the perennial return of the “number two syndrome,” where a presumed heir, initially loyal and competent, ascends the ranks only to turn against their leader when the latter monopolizes the spotlight.

The hegemonic actor, in their quest to secure future elections, may, out of suspicion, transform a loyal ally into an adversary. This dynamic fosters a reciprocal paranoia, foreshadowing a period of potential social and political turbulence within Senegal.