Sahel Reporter

At a critical juncture in West Africa’s displacement crisis, Benin, Ghana, Togo, Burkina Faso, and the UN refugee agency have taken a decisive step that could reshape the future for tens of thousands of displaced people. On 11 September, three tripartite agreements were signed in Lomé, establishing a framework to prepare — when conditions allow — the voluntary, safe, and dignified return of Burkinabè refugees hosted in the three neighbouring countries. The move signals a major shift in regional cooperation, but it also underscores a hard truth: any return can only be sustainable if security and basic rights are genuinely restored inside Burkina Faso.

What the Lomé agreements actually set in motion

The signing in Lomé does not trigger immediate repatriation. Instead, it creates a cooperation structure between Burkina Faso, the UNHCR, and each of the three host nations — Benin, Ghana, and Togo. The texts outline consultation mechanisms, monitoring arrangements, and preparation for potential return operations, as well as the reintegration of those who choose to go back. This distinction matters enormously. In a Sahel region shaped by forced displacement, announcing a “return” can easily be misread as a signal to pack up and leave. The principle upheld by the UNHCR is different: repatriation must be voluntary, safe, and dignified, and refugees must be able to make an informed choice about their own future.

Frontline states bearing the weight of a cross-border crisis

For years, insecurity in Burkina Faso has pushed thousands across international borders. Benin, Ghana, and Togo now find themselves on the front line of a crisis they did not create.

UNHCR figures reveal the scale. In Benin, more than 11,000 refugees from Burkina Faso were registered as of 31 May 2026. In Ghana, June 2026 statistics recorded 13,368 Burkinabè refugees — nearly two-thirds of the country’s entire refugee population. Ghana had already set up reception centres in the border areas of Tarikom and Zini and, in February 2025, granted prima facie refugee status to Burkinabè seeking protection. Togo has also absorbed a significant influx of people fleeing Sahel instability. According to the UNHCR, the country hosted around 65,100 refugees and asylum-seekers in June 2026, 86% of them from Burkina Faso.

These numbers give the Lomé agreements a human dimension that abstract policy language often obscures. Behind any future return operation are families who left their villages, abandoned their belongings, and in some cases lost loved ones.

Return cannot paper over the reasons people fled

This is where Burkinabè authorities carry a central responsibility. For years, Burkina Faso has faced an insurgency waged by Islamist armed groups, as well as serious allegations concerning operations by government forces and allied militias.

Human Rights Watch states that the human rights situation deteriorated further in 2025. The organisation documents abuses attributed both to Islamist armed groups and to government forces and pro-government militias. It cites killings of civilians, forced displacement, and growing restrictions on media, opposition, and civil society. In a report published in April 2026, Human Rights Watch documented 57 incidents and gathered testimony from hundreds of people to examine violence committed since 2023. The organisation believes Burkinabè forces and their allied militias, like Islamist armed groups, are responsible for serious abuses that may amount to war crimes or crimes against humanity. It calls for accountability through credible investigations.

These allegations bear directly on the context to which refugees would be asked to return. A repatriation operation cannot be considered a solution simply because a diplomatic agreement has been signed.

The junta question and the security guarantees refugees need

Since the September 2022 coup, Burkina Faso has been led by military authorities under Captain Ibrahim Traoré. Human Rights Watch reports that the junta extended the transition period and narrowed political and civic space, with measures targeting journalists, opponents, and civil society organisations. The organisation has also documented disappearances, forced conscriptions, and restrictions on critical voices. In May 2026, it again denounced tightening measures against independent media and access to information.

For refugees, these factors are not secondary. The fundamental question remains protection: can they return to their villages without fear of fresh violence? Will their homes and land be accessible? Will they have civil documents, healthcare, schools, and livelihoods? And above all, will there be mechanisms to report possible violations? The UNHCR reminds us that lasting return depends on the root causes of displacement being sufficiently addressed and on peace allowing people to live without being forced to flee again.

Benin, Ghana, and Togo: the responsibility of host nations

In this context, the stance of Benin, Ghana, and Togo stands out as a vital component of the regional response. By welcoming people forced to flee, these three countries have shouldered a heavy humanitarian burden despite their own security and economic challenges. The Lomé agreement helps avoid setting reception against return. It gives the countries involved a framework to prepare for the future while maintaining the principle of voluntariness.

It is also a signal of regional cooperation. Gulf of Guinea countries are directly exposed to the consequences of the Sahel crisis. Population movements do not stop at borders and therefore require coordination among states, international organisations, and local communities. Benin, Ghana, and Togo can thus be seen not only as Burkina Faso’s neighbours but as actors in the regional response to the crisis.

A signature, not yet a return

The Lomé agreements amount to a roadmap rather than a repatriation timetable. Their effectiveness will depend on how they are implemented and, above all, on conditions inside Burkina Faso. The message to refugees is clear: return must be voluntary and occur only when safety and dignity are assured. That caution is all the more important given Burkina Faso’s ongoing armed violence and allegations of abuses involving multiple parties to the conflict.

For Benin, Ghana, and Togo, the challenge is now twofold: continue protecting those who need asylum while preparing, with the UNHCR and Burkinabè authorities, the conditions for a possible return. Because a refugee truly goes home only when it is safe to live there. The real measure of the Lomé agreements will not be the number of people sent back to Burkina Faso, but the number who can return freely, rejoin their communities, and rebuild their lives without being forced to flee again.