The terse official statement barely concealed the seismic shift rocking Senegal’s political landscape. Just two years after their historic 2024 victory, the partnership that embodied a generation’s aspirations has publicly fractured — and with it, perhaps, the most transformative political narrative Senegal has witnessed since the 2000 democratic shift.

Ousmane Sonko and Bassirou Diomaye Faye rose to power on a foundation of absolute loyalty. The youth of Dakar, Ziguinchor, and Thiès chanted « Diomaye moy Sonko » (Sonko is Diomaye, and Diomaye is Sonko) in Wolof, transforming a campaign slogan into a movement that swept them into office with nearly 54% of the vote in the first round.

From campaign slogan to political trap

The foundation of their alliance was built on shared destiny, but cracks began to show long before Friday’s dismissal. When Diomaye Faye was chosen as the Pastef’s presidential candidate—after Sonko was barred from running due to a defamation conviction—he stepped into a role intended as a temporary vessel for Sonko’s vision. The « Diomaye moy Sonko » slogan became the bridge that carried Faye to power, convincing voters that choosing him was choosing Sonko.

Yet once in office, the balance of power grew increasingly unstable. Sonko, though not formally in government, remained the undisputed ideological leader of the Pastef, his public statements and interventions constantly reminding everyone that the party’s « vision » belonged to him. Meanwhile, Diomaye Faye began asserting his authority as president, especially on security and foreign policy — a shift interpreted by some as a departure from the original social contract of the movement.

A rupture years in the making

No official reason was given for the sacking, but in Dakar, few were surprised. Tensions had simmered openly for months. The president accused his prime minister of « excessive personalization of power » and an overbearing media presence. In early May, Diomaye Faye issued a public warning in a televised interview: « As long as he remains Prime Minister, it’s because he enjoys my trust. When that is no longer the case, there will be a new Prime Minister. »

Sonko, still the unchallenged leader of the Pastef and the majority in the National Assembly following the November 2024 legislative elections, continued to speak to the militant base as the true inheritor of the movement’s anti-establishment mission. Behind the scenes, two factions had crystallized: the « legalists » around the president, pushing for a more autonomous presidency, and the « Sonko loyalists », who saw Diomaye Faye as merely a temporary custodian of Sonko’s popular mandate.

By late 2025, the president began consolidating his own political machinery under the banner « Diomaye Président », systematically sidelining Sonko’s inner circle. In response, Sonko’s camp escalated public warnings, accusing the government of drifting from the Pastef’s founding promises. The passage of the electoral reform law in late April — which could open the door to Sonko’s 2029 candidacy — was widely seen as the beginning of an early presidential campaign.

Economic fault lines behind the fallout

The deepest divide, however, lay in economic policy. Government and diplomatic sources in Dakar confirm that negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) became the main point of contention. Upon taking office, the new administration discovered the staggering scale of Senegal’s debt, accusing former President Macky Sall of concealing part of the public debt. The IMF suspended a $1.8 billion support program, forcing the executive into delicate talks with international lenders.

Within presidential circles, Sonko was criticized for adopting a confrontational stance toward IMF demands, particularly on fiscal reforms and energy subsidy cuts. His allies, in turn, accused the president’s team of abandoning the Pastef’s sovereignist and social promises. The Finance Minister, Cheikh Diba, reportedly warned that the rising cost of energy subsidies — in a context of massive debt — was unsustainable. Observers in Dakar suggest that disagreements over potential fuel price increases paralyzed government decision-making.

With public debt now at 132% of GDP, according to IMF estimates, Senegal ranks among the most indebted countries in sub-Saharan Africa.

The final straw: a speech that crossed the line

Even hours before his dismissal, Sonko remained defiant. During a parliamentary session, he criticized what he called the « tyranny » of the West, accusing it of trying to « impose » its values on Senegal in the debate over a controversial law criminalizing homosexuality. He rejected any « moratorium » on its enforcement — a stance that drew applause from Pastef deputies but raised alarms among Senegal’s Western partners at a time when Dakar was desperate to restore financial credibility with the IMF. It was the moment Diomaye Faye decided to take control.

A night of unrest in Dakar

The presidential decree was barely announced when social media erupted. Hundreds of supporters rushed to Ousmane Sonko’s residence in Keur Gorgui, chanting his name and denouncing what they called a « betrayal ».

Around midnight, Sonko arrived home to find a crowd already gathered. Some waved placards, others shouted slogans. Within minutes, Senegalese social platforms were ablaze with reactions to a breakup many had seen coming for months.

« No Prime Minister has ever defied a president like this. Sonko’s sacking was inevitable, » wrote Arthur Banga, an Ivorian political scientist, on social media.

Political figures reacted swiftly. Former Dakar mayor Barthélémy Dias called for calm while labeling the move a « grave institutional crisis ». Franco-Spanish lawyer Juan Branco, a longtime ally of Sonko from the opposition era, called it « the greatest betrayal in Senegalese history ».

The next morning, newspaper headlines captured the shock. « The fracture », declared one. « Diomaye takes power », read another. Some ran « Goodbye to the duo », others « Power struggle at the top ».

Diplomatic observers in Dakar now watch with growing unease. This isn’t just a clash of egos — it marks the end of a fragile balance that made the 2024 alternance possible after years of unrest under Macky Sall, marked by deadly protests, mass arrests, and deep distrust in institutions.

The impossible cohabitation

At its core, the crisis reveals a fundamental contradiction: Could Senegal’s government realistically function with two power centers? Diomaye Faye held constitutional legitimacy as president. Ousmane Sonko commanded unmatched militant legitimacy, especially among urban youth and Pastef cadres. For two years, the regime tried to make it work. But in Senegal, where the presidency has always concentrated political authority, dual leadership was never sustainable.

In May 2026, Diomaye Faye publicly warned that the government risked sinking into « personal ambition ». Weeks later, he reiterated his constitutional power to appoint — and dismiss — the prime minister. On Friday evening, he acted.

The breakup launches a high-stakes chapter. If Sonko retains control of the Pastef and the parliamentary majority, Diomaye Faye retains the state apparatus and the presidency. Between them, the battle for 2029 has likely begun. Yet for many Senegalese, a deeper fear looms: youth unemployment, soaring living costs, record debt, and the unfulfilled promises of change. Beneath the clash of ambitions, many already fear that the hope born from the 2024 alternance may dissolve in the fractures of power.

The president must now appoint a new prime minister, who must be approved by parliament within three months of taking office.