The political funds saga: a heated debate dividing Senegal

Political funds have taken center stage in Senegal’s public discourse, sparking intense debates across television studios, social media platforms, and political circles. At the heart of the controversy is a fundamental question: who, before Ousmane Sonko, truly benefited from these discretionary envelopes allocated to the Prime Minister’s office, and how were they used? This debate unfolds against a backdrop of legislative urgency, as the National Assembly convenes in an extraordinary session—led by Sonko himself—since August 10, to deliberate on a bill regulating special credits and secret funds, alongside proposals on asset declarations, labor laws, and the establishment of six parliamentary inquiry commissions.

The spark that ignited the debate

Tensions escalated following remarks by former Interior Minister Aly Ngouille Ndiaye during a television appearance. The outspoken politician asserted that Ousmane Sonko was the first Senegalese Prime Minister to receive dedicated political funds: « In reality, he was the first to have this right. I was never Prime Minister, but some former colleagues—still active in politics—are listening. Only Boun Abdallah Dionne, who has since passed away, never had access to these funds. It started with Sonko. Amadou Ba did not have them either, as he was replaced by Sidiki Kaba, who did not last long enough in office to benefit from them. »

Ndiaye also cast doubt on the widely cited figure of 1.7 billion CFA francs, questioning its frequency: « Some say quarterly, others annually. If annual, Sonko would have received around 8 billion. Yet, I know the first tranche of 1.7 billion CFA francs was exhausted. If it were annual and depleted within a quarter, that would be alarmingly rapid. » He echoed earlier claims by the Minister of Petroleum and Energy, Abdourahmane Diouf, that the initial allocation was entirely spent before Sonko requested additional funding—a scenario, he argued, that left his successor with no reserves. For Ndiaye, this warrants further scrutiny: « In the inquiry commissions, he should have included his own case for transparency. There are even things I cannot disclose here. »

Former Prime Ministers push back against the narrative

The former minister’s statements triggered a wave of rebuttals online, with archival footage resurfacing to challenge his claims. A particularly compelling testimony came from Souleymane Ndéné Ndiaye, the last Prime Minister under former President Abdoulaye Wade, who revealed on a talk show in April 2025: « Even when I was Director of the President’s Cabinet, I received political funds every month. » This admission predates his tenure as Prime Minister, dating back to his role in Wade’s administration. Observers argue this alone undermines Ndiaye’s assertion that Sonko pioneered the system.

Additional contradictions emerged from statements attributed to former Prime Minister Macky Sall, who served under Wade between 2004 and 2007, and Idrissa Seck, Wade’s Prime Minister from 2002 to 2004. Social media users highlighted a lesser-known episode: Wade reportedly used his own presidential discretionary funds to « assist » his Prime Minister with certain expenditures.

Pastef’s response: dismissing « baseless accusations »

The ruling party’s rebuttal came from Elimane Pouye, CEO of the Société de Gestion et d’Exploitation du Patrimoine bâti (SOGEPA SN), who dismissed the claims as « baseless. » He urged comparisons of the Prime Minister’s budgets for 2023, 2024, and 2025, arguing that variations stemmed from institutional changes rather than novel practices. Pouye emphasized that the debate should focus on the use of public funds in a democratic framework, not on speculative figures or timing.

Proponents of the ruling party also noted that Pastef has long criticized the lack of oversight for these funds, with reform proposals dating back to 2014 and formalized in their 2019 electoral manifesto—years before Sonko’s appointment as Prime Minister in 2024. This, they argue, demonstrates the practice was neither novel nor unique to his administration.

Tracing the evolution of political funds in Senegal

To understand the current controversy, it’s essential to examine the historical trajectory of these discretionary envelopes. Parliamentary records reveal a dramatic escalation under successive regimes: approximately 650 million CFA francs under Abdou Diouf’s presidency ballooned to nearly 8 billion under Wade’s tenure. A 2008–2012 report by the State Inspectorate General disclosed that 108 billion CFA francs were disbursed during this period, with 48 billion lacking any accounting justification—a figure buried in Senegal’s public financial archives for years.

One of the most documented cases is the National Local Development Program (PNDL), a 100-billion-CFA fund entrusted to the Prime Minister’s office. This program became the subject of an investigation into Idrissa Seck after his 2004 departure, focusing on alleged embezzlement tied to real estate assets in Saly and Atlanta. The episode underscores the long-standing lack of oversight surrounding these funds.

Calls for legal oversight intensify

The legislative branch has emerged as a key player in the push for transparency. Deputy Guy Marius Sagna revealed he submitted a bill in September 2025 to create a « Commission for Verifying Political Fund Credits, » initially to Pastef’s parliamentary group and Sonko himself. Sonko reportedly asked him to delay the initiative, preferring a government-led reform: « The President asked me to wait while he discussed the matter with relevant stakeholders, » Sagna wrote on Facebook. He later praised Sonko’s amended proposal as « ambitious » but lamented that the President’s approach risked perpetuating the status quo.

Deputy Thierno Alassane Sall, a former Energy Minister known for his 2017 resignation over transparency concerns, went further, labeling political funds as « theft » due to their lack of parliamentary authorization. In a May 2026 Assembly session, he stated: « The Prime Minister spoke about these funds on May 22, but this is not his prerogative to define. » Sall distinguished these envelopes from legally approved intelligence funds at the presidency, which he argued should not be conflated with the contested discretionary credits.

Not all voices align. El Hadj Momar Samb, Secretary-General of the RTA-S, accused the ruling majority of « opportunism, » noting that many current officials held high-ranking positions in recent years without advocating for oversight. While supporting transparency, he called for expanded parliamentary control to include the National Water Company (ONAS), oil revenue tracking, Matam region funds, and indemnities for political crisis victims.

Encadrement, not abolition: the official stance

When questioned in May 2026, President Bassirou Diomaye Faye defended the retention of these funds, citing their role in intelligence operations and social solidarity. He argued that outright abolition could create a void in addressing urgent social needs. Sonko, addressing the Assembly on May 22, 2026, reiterated his opposition to suppression while advocating for stricter regulation, citing the 1.77-billion-CFA allocation to the Prime Minister’s office.

This debate culminates in the extraordinary session convened on August 10, 2026, where the Assembly will fast-track a bill to regulate special credits and secret funds, alongside a constitutional amendment on presidential asset declarations. The tension persists between an entrenched institutional practice—documented across regimes from Diouf to the present—and the transparency demands championed by the current administration since 2024.