Algeria has launched a series of diplomatic and economic initiatives toward Mali and Niger in recent months, seeking to counter Morocco‘s growing presence in the Sahel. After a year and a half of strained relations with Bamako, Algiers restored full diplomatic ties and reopened its airspace to Malian aircraft. With Niamey, the rapprochement has gone further, including the delivery of four military helicopters, renewed oil projects, and joint crude marketing efforts.

This shift reflects Algeria’s urgent need to regain lost influence in the region before Rabat consolidates its economic and political foothold. Over the past weeks, Algiers has taken visible steps to mend fences. On July 10, Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune reinstated Ambassador Kamal Retieb in Bamako, while Mali simultaneously returned its envoy to Algiers and reopened its airspace to Algerian military and civilian flights. By early August, Malian Prime Minister Abdoulaye Maïga highlighted a «complete convergence of views» with Algeria on state sovereignty and non-interference in domestic affairs—a clear signal that the normalization extends beyond mere diplomatic gestures.

Algeria’s expanding footprint in the Sahel

The momentum is most evident in Niger. On August 9, Algeria delivered four military helicopters—two combat Mi-24V and two transport Mi-171 models—along with spare parts, maintenance equipment, and ammunition. Days later, the Algerian prime minister visited Niamey to launch drilling at the Kafra Sud-Est 1 oil exploration site, while state-owned energy firms Sonatrach and Sonidep announced their first joint crude marketing operation. This multi-layered engagement—security, hydrocarbons, and economic cooperation—demonstrates Algeria’s determination to reassert its strategic depth in the Sahel.

For Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, the formation of the Alliance of Sahel States has reshaped regional dynamics. These countries have distanced themselves from Western partners, deepened ties with Russia, and developed independent diplomatic and military frameworks. In June, their foreign ministers met in Bamako to advance the «Diplomacy pillar» of their Confederation, aiming for a unified approach. For Algeria, this shifting landscape presents both a challenge and an opportunity: a chance to reconnect with governments that, after severing ties with Paris and other Western capitals, are actively seeking new allies.

The rivalry with Morocco adds urgency to Algiers’ efforts. Observers note that Rabat has deftly built influence through political diplomacy, religious outreach, investments, and infrastructure—strategies that contrast with Algeria’s reactive approach. While Algeria wields significant military and energy resources, its political clout has lagged. Morocco, meanwhile, has cultivated durable economic dependencies, from banking to telecommunications, positioning itself as a key partner in the Sahel.

Mending fences with Bamako after a bitter split

The restoration of ties with Mali marks a turning point. For 15 months, relations were frozen after Bamako rejected the 2015 peace accord and tensions escalated following an Algerian military strike on a Malian drone near Tinzaouaten in April 2025. Mali accused Algeria of aggression, while Algiers claimed the drone violated its airspace. The crisis culminated in the withdrawal of ambassadors and a Malian appeal to the International Court of Justice—only for Algeria to reject the court’s jurisdiction.

The July 10 normalization reversed course. Both sides reinstated ambassadors and reopened airspace, signaling a thaw in relations. By August, Malian officials spoke of a «complete convergence of views» with Algeria, suggesting the rapprochement extends beyond administrative fixes. This development also underscores the regional role of Niger, which has maintained close ties with Algiers and may have facilitated the dialogue. Analysts have pointed to Moscow and Niamey as key players in bridging the gap between Algiers and Bamako.

Niger as Algeria’s strategic test case

Niger exemplifies Algeria’s evolving strategy. In March, the second session of the Algeria-Niger joint commission addressed energy, security, transport, health, finance, and infrastructure. Both governments labeled their relations «irreversibly strategic» and pledged a «fully renewed partnership». Since then, concrete steps have followed: the helicopter delivery strengthens security ties, while the Kafra Sud-Est 1 project and joint oil marketing initiative embed Algeria’s economic presence. These initiatives, though ambitious, still face real-world challenges.

Algeria’s approach is driven by both geography and necessity. With over 1,300 kilometers of shared border with Mali and extensive frontiers with Niger, instability in these countries directly threatens Algerian security. Yet military doctrine alone cannot secure long-term influence. Algeria must now match Morocco’s economic and energy tools—such as the trans-Saharan gas pipeline, hydrocarbon projects, and infrastructure investments—to sustain its regional role.

Morocco’s early lead complicates Algeria’s comeback

Algeria’s challenge is compounded by Morocco’s head start. On April 10, Mali withdrew recognition of the self-proclaimed Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic and endorsed Rabat’s «autonomy plan» as the only credible solution. The three Alliance of Sahel States members have progressively strengthened ties with Morocco, forcing Algiers into a reactive posture. The rivalry now extends beyond Sahel influence to which country can rally African capitals to its position on the Western Sahara issue.

Algeria’s current strategy is less about expanding its footprint than reclaiming lost ground. After ceding its mediator role in Mali, Algiers is rebuilding influence through bilateral relations, energy, infrastructure, and security. Niger serves as the most advanced testing ground, while Mali—with restored ambassadors and air links—represents the diplomatic litmus test. Relations with Burkina Faso, though quieter, are part of this broader effort. Yet Algeria’s focus on countering Morocco risks defining its regional policy more by its neighbor’s actions than by the needs of Sahel states. A sustainable strategy would require offering a compelling vision of its own, rather than one shaped by rivalry.